The House may have closed the current chapter on health reform, but, as far as the discussions on the implications of the trajectory of the legislation (it goes to the Senate next) are concerned, the parties most excoriated by the House bill’s mandates^[1] want relief — without filibuster politics.

The focus on the Senate’s policymaking is most important, if only for the possibility of using delay tactics to keep Obama from capitalizing on his perceived victory from the House vote. With the usual suspects (Pharma, AHIP, small business) criticizing Saturday’s vote as a referendum on reckless healthcare spending, it is no secret that the push is on for final merging of the Senate bill to resemble the Finance Committee version — the most fiscally viable for these groups. And the public option? Although many of its foes admit that any inclusion therein is unpalatable, the realization of the American public’s desire for some form of social reform as one that cannot be dismissed is stimulus enough for — at least — an olive branch^[2] to be thrown in the direction of progressives.

But, is criticism of the House bill more a PR issue than a strict policy issue? What exactly is the magnitude of harm that can be done to third parties that stand to otherwise profit more easily? Some say not much at all…that the degree of damage to healthcare industry bottom lines is more about maintaining political allegiances than predicting a dire future for healthcare financing out of genuine concern for the healthcare consumer. The easiest way to keep that status quo is not to let up on influencing Senate vote; Insurance and Pharma wouldn’t have it any other way. | LINK to provisions of the House bill

1. Insurers balk at government competition; Pharma winces at drug rebates  and reimbursements payable to the federal government over the next decade. [↩]
2. opt-out or -in clauses for individual states, for example [↩]

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